For almost a century and a half, America was merely a group of colonies scattered along the eastern seaboard of the North American continent—colonies from which a few hardy souls tentatively ventured westward.
Ethnocultural politics in the United States The basic campaign strategy was the maximum mobilization of potential votes. To find new supporters politicians systematically canvassed their communities, talking up the state and national issues of the day, and watching which themes drew the best responses.
In such a large, complex, pluralistic nation, the politicians discovered that citizens were especially loyal to their own ethno-religious groups.
These groups had distinctive moral perspectives and political needs. The Whigs and Republicans were especially effective in winning support among pietistic and evangelical denominations.
The Democrats did much better among Catholics and other high-church liturgical groups, as well as among those who wanted minimal government, and among whites who demanded that African Americans not be granted political or social equality. Americans arguing politics in while neglecting the farm chores; painting by Arthur Fitzwilliam Tait As the parties developed distinctive positions on issues such as the modernization of the economy and westward expansion, voters found themselves attracted to one party or the other.
The Whigs and Republicans aggressively supported modernizing the economy, supporting banks, railroads, factories, and tariffsand promised a rich home market in the cities for farm products.
The Whigs always opposed expansion, as did the Republicans until By the late century the parties in the Midwest combined to turn out over 90 percent of the eligible electorate in entire states, reaching over 95 percent in in Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Ohio. Some counties passed the percent mark, not because of fraud, but because the parties tracked people down whom the census had missed.
Fraud did take place in municipal elections in large cities, where the ward-heelers could expect tangible rewards. Apart from some Reconstruction episodes in the South, there was little fraud in presidential elections because the local workers were not in line for presidential rewards.
The best way to build enthusiasm was to show enthusiasm. The parties used rallies, parades, banners, buttons and insignia to display partisanship and promote the theme that with so much strength, victory must be inevitable.
The side that lost was usually surprised, and tended to ascribe defeat to preternatural factors, such as bad weather or treachery. They set up networks of activists in every county charged with visiting every potential supporter in a specified neighborhood, especially in the critical last days before the election.
These workers, of course, comprised the activists who attended conventions and ultimately selected the candidates. This intensive face-to-face networking provided excellent information in both directions — the leaders immediately found out what the rank-and-file liked and disliked.
Nearly all weekly and daily papers were party organs until the early 20th century. Thanks to the invention of high-speed presses for city papers, and free postage for rural sheets, newspapers proliferated. Inthe Census counted 1, party newspapers with a circulation of about one per voterand only 83 "independent" papers.
The party line was behind every line of news copy, not to mention the authoritative editorials, which exposed the "stupidity" of the enemy and the "triumphs" of the party in every issue.
Editors were senior party leaders, and often were rewarded with lucrative postmasterships. Kaplan outlines the systematic methods by which newspapers expressed their partisanship.
Paid advertising was unnecessary, as the party encouraged all its loyal supporters to subscribe: As election neared, there were lists of approved candidates. Party meetings, parades and rallies were publicized ahead of time, and reported in depth afterwards. Excitement and enthusiasm was exaggerated, while the dispirited enemy rallies were ridiculed.
Speeches were often transcribed in full detail, even long ones that ran thousands of words. Woodcut illustrations celebrated the party symbols and portray the candidates. Editorial cartoons ridiculed the opposition and promoted the party ticket. As the election neared, predictions and informal polls guaranteed victory.The efforts of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B.
Anthony, and others in the 19th and early 20th century is considered by historians as the . The history of the United States began with the settlement of Indigenous people before 15, BC. Numerous cultures formed.
The arrival of Christopher Columbus in started the European colonization of the tranceformingnlp.com colonies formed after By the s, thirteen British colonies contained million people along the Atlantic coast east of the Appalachian Mountains.
US History ch STUDY.
PLAY. In the late nineteenth century, the most striking feature of the American party system was its. remarkable stability.
In American politics during the late nineteenth century. Republicans usually held a majority in the Senate. An examination of American voters in the late nineteenth century reveals A. voter turnout for both presidential and non-presidential elections was very high.
there was greater voter interest for local elections than for national elections. Some of the nation’s leading journalists gathered in Key West, Fla., in May for the Pew Forum’s biannual Faith Angle Conference on religion, politics and public life..
Ever since then-Sen. Barack Obama spoke of his admiration for Reinhold Niebuhr in a interview with New York Times columnist David Brooks, there has been speculation about the extent to which the 20th-century.
Learn About America at the End of the Twentieth Century The last quarter of the 20 th century was shaped by three fundamental challenges that arose in the late s and early s. The first was a crisis of political leadership.